Capital Punishment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Capital Punishment - Essay Example Capital Punishment Whatever crime the person has committed, killing should be considered as the last result. He further argues that communal policy should respect the value of human life. When administering a severe sentence on someone, caution must be taken to avoid any error. This is because if flaws occurs which result to guiltless person falling victim, the situation cannot be reversed and this will be injustice to a guiltless person. He adds that different punishments should be administered for different offenses, and that slighter penalties should be considered where the situation warrants. However, there is always a dilemma in deciding the best penalty for specific offense. According to Bedau (424), the law offers protection to people responding to threat on their lives or protecting the lives of other people. In such situations, the person responding to a threat is considered guiltless even if he or she hurt the attacker. He says that there is no evidence whatsoever that the attacker would real ly cause any harm to anybody. He argues that the law should take into consideration the all the means which were at respondent’s disposal to avoid the attack. For example they should run away from the threats instead of counterattacking the person frightening them. By escaping, they would have avoided trouble with anybody and they could not hurt anyone.However, when they respond by attacking the person who was threatening their survival, they result to similar incidence of assault or murder before the law. After all there was no surety that they would really be attacked or injured, therefore, the fact that someone was threatening to assault them is not enough reason for committing a crime. Finally he argues that there is probability that even if they were assaulted, the magnitude of this assault would be less severe that the one they caused by counterattacking the other person. There should be no exercise of unnecessary power for personal protection. According to Bedau (428) capital punishment lack fairness from the manner in which it is executed. For example, if a person murdered another one and is taken to court, the execution of his death may be more lenient that which he or she committed. This may be the case if for example the penalty is executed through electrocution. This form of death may be more tolerable than killing by strangling or any other method which the criminal may have used. Also in some place like United States of America, substantial racism prevails because black Americans are likely to be killed compared to white counterparts even if they committed similar offense. This implies that the actual meaning of punishing the crime is not achieved due to failure to follow the right channel of charging for the crime (Newsweek, 0209). In addition, suspects of crimes are taken before the authority and legal processes followed to decide the case. This may take several months or year before it comes to completion. Even after the bench ruling th at the criminal will be hanged; the process may take some time. This will end up causing additional pain to the guilty person which was not the case with the victim of murder. This implies unfairness in execution on death penalty because delayed justice is justice denied. According to Haag (365) the law mandates police, judges and other parties

Sexual Harassment Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Sexual Harassment - Research Paper Example A program to training managers on sexual harassment should undoubtedly take into consideration a wide a number of issues key among them being (i) What is considered sexual harassment (ii) Reasons for concern (iii) Workplace gender based antidiscrimination laws. Managers just like any other employee often find themselves involved in sexual harassment cases in different ways, which may include being a witness of the act, victim of the act or as a perpetrator. Lack of adequate knowledge about what constitute a sexual harassment especially verbal, non-verbal and physical conducts may prevent them from taking appropriate action against the unlawful act. Thus, the need to educate manger on what acts constitute sexual harassment, workplace gender based antidiscrimination laws and most importantly reasons for concern. Other areas that should be of great focus in a training program for managers about sexual harassment include (iv) Types of sexual harassment (v) Consensual relationships (vi) How to tell if a conduct is inappropriate (vii) Retaliation and Sexual Harassment (viii) Documenting employee actions. It is vital that the training outline contain subjects that touch on types of sexual harassment, consensual relationships at workplace and retaliation in case of alleged discrimination. For instance, there are two notable types of sexual harassments, which include Quid pro quo and Hostile environment. A fellow employee or supervisor may ask an employee for sexual favour in exchange for promotion, reward or wage increase, which may constitute Quid pro quo type of harassment (Orlov & Michael, 49). The training manual also need to take into consideration issues that pertain to (ix) Liability for supervisor misconduct (x) Setting the right tone (xi) Responding to subordinate complaints (xii) Assist ing with the investigation (xiii) Preventing

The Sorrow and the Pity film by Marcel Ophuls Movie Review

The Sorrow and the Pity film by Marcel Ophuls - Movie Review Example The Sorrow and the pity documentary is based on view that during the World War II, France was the only state which collaborated and de Gaulle's Free French in UK were in the awkward situation as government of France was not in a state of exile. The strongest point of the movie is that it shows reality and the idea was completely innovative to show the interviews of the people who actually were present at the time of such a chaos and destruction. The real stories are described in the film. The Sorrow and the Pity movie include the interviews of the French and German who played a major or minor part in the war. The idea behind the movie was to bring in front the truth about the collaboration of France with Nazis. The documentary, which is more than four hours long was shot in Clermont Ferrand, a town in France. Marcel Ophulus view about the movie is that those who have not undergone the pain, damage and grief of occupying power can never know how it feels so they have no right to judge a nation that endured the horrors and terror of the war. The fundamental point of the movie is the forbearance and complacent of the people under the control of another power in their state. The Sorrow and the Pity is one of the greatest documentary ever made. The film is based on the World War II, the destructions caused by the war and the people affected by the war. The movie was about the physical and social division of France. The Germans with their war weapons and machined easily conquered the France and it was not shown that it's any of a big deal for the Nazi Germans to have a control over France. As shown in the movie the basic concern of the people under the war was to have food for them to eat. The movie has two parts. First part is about the conquest and collaboration of France and is called "The Collapse". This part consists of the attack of Nazi Germans and the quick surrender of the French, whereas the second part is known as "The Choice" which inquires about the practical dilemma of power of resisting. This part was actually to reveal the truth about the resistance or cooperation of French with Nazi Germans. It also reveals the consequences of the Collaboration. The movie first stirred great controversy when it was released . The people of France were reluctant to admit that France was one of the many states who could actually collaborate with the victorious country, Germany. The French television was not willing to broadcast it and it stirred a huge controversy. So the movie was shown at the cinema where it emerged as a great success, (Holm, D. K 2005). The Sorrow and the pity movie is all about the life in France during the period of the World War II and the Nazi Occupation. It includes the interviews of the people who were involved directly or indirectly in this play. It is a daring step taken by the director to make an objective evaluation of the perplexing situation in the history of France. The documentary is close to reality which reflects the real life situation about what actually happened to the people who lived during the war and what difficulties they faced. The interviews were conducted from the Government officials, politicians, artists, farmers, veterans, forces and common people who could speak about the war

Separation of church and state Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Separation of church and state - Essay Example "   First coined by Thomas Jefferson in his letter to Danbury Baptists Association in 1802, the phrase ‘separation of church and state’ does not appear as such in the Constitution. But, in the First Amendment to the constitution, it is noted that Congress â€Å"shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof†, which in spirit translates to the sentiment expressed by Jefferson in his letter. Later, when the Supreme Court quoted Jefferson’s original phrase in one of its cases, it got assimilated into American legal parlance. 3- What is the secular or liberal point of view?   This governing principle is celebrated by liberal sections of American society. At the time of the country’s founding a vast majority of its people were believers of Christian faith. So, while separation of church and state was accepted at a nominal level, there was seldom any need to enforce it. But as more waves of immigrant s arrived on the country’s shores, bringing with them their native religious and cultural legacies, this principle found more frequent application in matters of public dispute. To this extent, liberal politicians and commentators much appreciate this separation. 4-What was the intent of the founding fathers   Even among the group of intellectuals now recognized as the founding fathers of the country there were arguments and disagreements.

Cripple Essay Example for Free

Cripple Essay Often times, people with disabilities feel sorrow and unfortunate. Nancy Mairs faces sclerosis, a serious condition that limits her ability to do regular, everyday tasks. In her essay, Mairs stresses the meaning of the word â€Å"cripple† to the point in which she defines her own meaning of the term. With the use of rhetorical strategies, Mairs presents herself as a strong, proud individual despite her disabilities. Mairs’ specific language choice reveals that she is not ashamed of her condition. She begins by explaining the first impression of the word â€Å"cripple. † She says, â€Å"People—crippled or not—wince at the word ‘cripple†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢Ã¢â‚¬ (line 8). Mairs purposely uses the word â€Å"wince† to emphasis shock and horror of others’ reaction towards the word â€Å"cripple. † This word choice provides an indication of people’s negative thoughts on the word â€Å"cripple. † In contrast, however, Mairs explains that most people do not react as strongly with the words â€Å"handicapped† or â€Å"disabled. Although others may disagree, Mairs reveals that the word â€Å"cripple† provides a neutral connotation that is appropriate to describe herself: a person with an illness. Later on in the text, Mairs reveals that â€Å"cripple† seems like a â€Å"clean word, straightforward, and precise† (line 15). It is evident that she does not feel the slightest offence of being called a cripple. Instead, she feels that it is the appropriate word that best describes her condition. At the same time, Mairs has strong attachments to â€Å"cripple† in relation to who she is as an individual with such difficulties. Mairs’ use of tone creates a stern, serious, and confident attitude that reflects a prideful feeling of being a â€Å"cripple. † She says, â€Å"Mine is one of them. Whatever you call me, I remain crippled. But I don’t care what you call me, so long as it isn’t ‘differently abled’†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (line 36). Mair’s short sentences evoke a powerful tone that reflects her indifference towards society’s assumption of who she is: a weak, helpless, and unfortunate individual. However, oppositely, she presents herself as a strong, prideful woman. The tone in this passage reveals Mairs’ feelings toward society’s sympathetic attitudes to those that are physically disabled. Clearly, Mairs does not feel bothered by what others think of her. It is apparent that she takes her situation very lightly as long as no one refers to as â€Å"differently abled† because it describes a person without capability. She strongly presents herself proud and independent individual being as opposed to what society assumes her to be. Unlike society’s attitudes towards the disabled, Mairs presents herself with strength and pride regardless of her condition. Throughout her essay, she changes a new meaning of the word â€Å"cripple† from a horrifying meaning to her own, personal definition. As she delivers her point, Mairs feel that the word â€Å"cripple† is a part of her in regard to who she is: a person with in illness. At the same time, Mairs reveals a sense of acceptance of her condition.

Immigration Reform Essay Example for Free

Immigration Reform Essay Immigration reform is a widely debated topic that affects the lives of every citizen whether they are for, against or indifferent to the issue. The United States needs a new immigration policy that is based less on wishful thinking and more on realism. Spending vast sums of money trying to enforce arbitrary numerical limits on immigration that bear no relationship to economic reality is a fool’s errand. We need flexible limits on immigration that rise and fall with U.S. labor demand, coupled with strict enforcement of tough wage and labor laws that protect all workers, regardless of where they were born. We need to respect the natural human desire for family reunification, while recognizing that even family-based immigrants are unlikely to come here if jobs are not available. And we need to create a pathway to legal status for unauthorized immigrants who are already here so that they can no longer be exploited by unscrupulous employers who hang the threat of deportation over t heir heads. The impact on ethics regarding immigration reform is that there are many Americans who object to providing health care to those who are in this country illegally and they make the principled point that people who violate the immigration laws of this country have forfeited any moral claim to assistance and should not benefit from their illegal behavior. They also argue that providing those here illegally with access to regular health care will as a practical matter have the undesirable effect of increasing illegal immigration. On the other hand the principled argument in favor of including illegal immigrants in health reform is that decent health coverage is a basic human right. A just nation should support that right for everyone, regardless of why or how a person is in the country. There are also practical reasons to support including undocumented immigrants in health reform. Ethics aside, there is no pragmatic way to deny emergency care to illegal immigrants The impact on morals regarding immigration reform would be how does the issue of immigration reform sits with your mores and values. Should the Christian Values of treating others how you would like to be treated be used? Many Liberals would like to change the laws on immigration to strengthen border security and be fair to taxpayers but also include a pathway to citizenship for immigrants who are in the country illegally. Conservatives would like  to strengthen the existing laws and see that the immigrants that entered the country illegally are deported even though in most cases it would cause the break-up of families as some members may be here illegally and some may be either naturalized or citizens by birth. The things to consider when reviewing how Immigration Reforms would impact our lives is: What are the costs of securing our borders? The current estimate in the costs of securing the borders is $40, 000 per illegal immigrant and the impact it would have on the families and economy of those that live in the border cities would be devastating in terms of loss jobs and revenue. This does not take into account the amount of money spent to hire and train new Border Patrol Agents and drug dogs; using the National Guard and their equipment, and building a fence which places the cost at about 90 billion dollars a year. What are the costs of detaining immigrants? According to the American Civil Liberties Union the cost of detaining an illegal immigrant is between $122 -$164 a day. Should illegal immigrants receive help with medical and food? This is an ethics and moral issue concerning decent human treatment. Though it would place a heavy strain on resources and the economy some type of system should be set up with a limit on how often an illegal immigrant could use the services until citizenship is granted and a repayment plan is instituted.

Ethnic minorities in Britain

Ethnic minorities in Britain Ethnic Minorities in Britain Introduction (Mis)labelling identity signifiers bespeaks underlying histories of power structure(s). Indeed, however a case is made based on political, social, economic, cultural and ethnic grounds, an identity signifier remains central to sustain, if not to justify, existing power structures. Further, one specific identity signifier can be employed by contestant parties within a given discourse universe and even in exchange. As contestants struggle over meaning-making, moreover, exchanging (mis)labelled identity signifiers between and within groupings of contestant parties gain particular significance when (mis)labelling practice reaches out for outer frames of contested discourse, beyond a more usual practice of (mis)labelling contestants. Islamophobia, if any, especially as contested within a U.K. context, is just such an instance of an active (mis)labelling practice in which (Jeudo-Christian) Occident vs. (Islamist) Orient as possible (mis)labelled parties to contest exchange exact same (mis )labelled identity signifier i.e. Islamophobic not only in order to frame parties to contest but for an appropriation of what ultimately defines frames of contest per se. Indeed, much literature is dedicated to question the (mis)appropriateness of Islamophobia as a labeller of phobia generated, presumably, from an increasingly visible presence of Islam / Muslims in the U.K. in recent years. 1,2,3 The case for / against Islamophobia, depending on which party holds argument, is, in fact, made blurry given the ambiguity of what constitutes a Muslim identity in the first place. 4 Considering potentially multiple identities of U.K. Muslims 5,6, contestation between and within concerned parties holds a fluid ground more so based on or as a result of fluidity of what makes up Islamophobia. This paper examines multilayered manipulations of Islamophobia as contested within a U.K context. The argument, first, discusses literature on race relations and immigration policies, more emphasis being laid on policies pertaining to Commonwealth subjects in Indian Subcontinent. An examination follows of how race-based (addressing ethnicity, assimilation and multicultural ism issues) as opposed to faith-based (addressing religious practices, rights, and interfaith relations) protections have much influenced and/or mixed up contestations over Islam, Muslims and, most importantly, Islamophobia, if any, within a U.K. context. Finally, Islamophobia is placed in a wider European context in which contestation over Islamophobia as such is connected to Continental debates on modern nation-states and multiculturalisms. Race, race relations and immigration policies Historically, Britain has received waves of immigrants of diverse descent for a multitude of reasons. Yet, post-World War II period, particularly during mid-1940s, 1950s and 1960s, witnessed unprecedented influx into major industrial cities for reconstruction efforts. 7,8 Up until late 1960s, no specific laws addressed inter-ethnic violence and conflict. Ironically, ex-colonies subjects were regarded, after all, as second class citizens. 9 Only when families of Asian (primarily Pakistani, Indian and Bangladeshi) works started to flood English cities and ports in what is referred to as chain immigration (i.e. residents invite close family members and friends and, once settled, relatives and friends invite their own families and friends) did local acts of ethnic violence give prominence to and raise public awareness on a national level of alien citizen status as part of British reality. 10 Still, post-World War II period is one characterised more by inflammatory statements made about nationals of non-British blood and descent 11 rather than about citizens whose allegiance to British values and way of life is questionable because of a different creed such as in case of South-Asians. Indicative of an increasingly racialised public discourse pertaining to immigrants and naturalised subjects is: When individuals like the Marquis of Salisbury spoke of maintaining the English way of life, they were not simply referring to economic or regional folk patterns, but explicitly to the preservation of the racial character of the English people. We have developing here a process of subjectification grounded in a racialised construction of the British Subject which excludes and includes people on the basis of race/skin colour. 12 Indeed, race remains a fundamental subtext of British hegemonic discourse during colonial era, in post-World War II period and beyond. For one, one staple justification for subjugation of nations, groups and individuals is race. 13 Further, in case of a South Asian minority, presumably British Subjects, race is invoked as a justification for inequalities at workplace, housing, education, let alone political rights. 14 In essence, race and racism essentialise subjects of racist acts. Similar to all hegemonic practices which maintain specific power relations within an overarching power structure, racism emphasises superior vs. Inferior duality in order not only to maintain existing power relations but also to morally justify excesses of inequalities. 15 In British context, South Asian workers predominantly from Pakistan, India and Bangladesh particularly during first mass immigration waves of 1940s, 1950s and 1960s were, like a gear fit into a larger wheel, brought in as props, imported, used, and returned. Initially, South Asians workers performed and acted as underdogs much to masters delight. Later, however, as familiarity of British System and Administration developed amongst workers of non-British blood, riots and protests became noise (racist) masters needed to work on. Thus, successive legislations regulating immigrants status within U.K. borders were, apparently, meant to control influx of immigrants and to align British Subjects along well-defined ethnic boundaries.16 As U.K.s ethnic makeup diversified over time and across localities, states insistence on ethnic markers between and within ethnic groups grew by leaps and bounds. The racism formula, endorsed by laws and working brilliantly in a colonial era and slightly so within borders during early days of mass immigration, turned out problematic if not unstabilising given growing pressures of growing minorities in pocket cities, minorities now capable of tipping vote balance. Ultimately, a multi-ethnic / multicultural society is not based on a goodwill, all-accommodating multiculturalism discourse one meant to acknowledge ethnic / racial / cultural differences per se by way of minority rights but, rather, one emphasizing ethnic markers for further state control. 17 In fact, state control, in so far as British Muslims are concerned, represents a clear instance not only of an ethnicity manipulated (at multiple layers of discourse in government, media, and education) but, further still, of an identity (i.e. BrMislim / BrAsian) manipulated (at just same layers) and hence fluidity of what constitutes Islam / Muslim and, probably in turn, Islamophobia. Understanding an emerging Islamophobia requires, however, an examination of evolution of race relations politics from one based on race to one based on faith. Race, faith, Islamophobia, and multiculturalism By definition, political discourse is one characterised by manipulation and is, largely, subject to voters sway in democracies. 18 Political Correctness (PC) is just one example of political machination. In essence, a politically correct expression is a euphemism meant (and, for that matter, meaning) less to fulfil felicity conditions required for an actionable statement and more as instrumental. Thus, British policies on race and ethnicity has marked a shift since installation of race relations acts of 1965 and 1968 19 from an emphasis on racial discrimination to an emphasis on religious extremism and bigotry as a basis for incrimination only selectively, excluding BrMuslims. Indeed, incitement to hatred based on affiliation to Islam is one major legal anomaly scholars continue to point out to. 19, 20 Interestedly, given papers purposes, racial discrimination against BrAsians has not, in fact, been eliminated by virtue of progress in legislation on racial relations but only diverted to another (unprotected by law) dimension, significant as is, of a BrAsian subjects identity. That is, being Muslim. That multilayered public discourse has, moreover, shifted from race to faith is indicative not of actionable (as opposed to pronounced) change but of power structure(s) embedded in race relations discourses in the U.K. Thus, in place of a racialised discourse based on BrAsian intrusion into Britishness, same racial group, now British Muslims, comes out as anti-British. Typical of a manipulative political discourse a game of labelling and re-labelling underprivileged, underrepresented groups (except in prisons) is enacted such that power relations as engineered, largely but not always by, state are maintained within and between different ethnicities in a multicultural community which is, Britain. Unsurprisingly, a set of composite metrics has been developed in order to measure Britishness. 21 That such metrics combine gauges of loyalties at intra-national (i.e. Britain), national (i.e. England, Scotland, etc), or local (e.g. Bradford) levels is, indeed, indicative of an ethnic identit y crisis, particularly so in case of BrAsians / BrMuslims. As a consequence, a group diverse as BrAsians / BrMuslims and framed as inassimilable 22 into wider and mainstream community is bundled up altogether, labelled and made alien. Islamophobia is, one argues, an expression of an anxiety over ethnicity identity. Indeed, Islamophobic sentiments are, upon close examination, aimed not at Islam per se but at Muslims. 23 In fact, literature repeatedly points out that people, rather than faith, is phobes trajectory. 23, 24,25 A broad overview of British media is indicative of who is meant and labelled: If you doubt whether Islamophobia exists in Britain, I [Gordon Conway, Head of Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia] suggest you spend a week reading, as I have done, a range of national and local papers. If you look for articles which refer to Muslims or to Islam you will find prejudiced and antagonistic comments, mostly subtle but sometimes blatant and crude. Where the media lead, many will follow. British Muslims suffer discrimination in their education and in the workplace. Acts of harassment and violence against Muslims are common. 26 Thus, Islamophobia, a label gaining currency in media and academia thanks to Runnymede Trusts much publicised report Islamophobia, a challenge for us all 27 has acquired such a canonical status as to render alternative neologisms unrepresentative of responses to Islam / Muslims. According to Halliday, Islamophobia indulges conformism and authority within Muslim communities. One cannot avoid the sense, in regard to work such as the Runnymede Report that the race relations world has yielded, for reasons of political [emphasis added] convenience, on this term. 28 Moreover, The use of Islamophobia also challenges the possibility of dialogue based on universal principles. It suggeststhat the solution lies in greater dialogue, bridge-building and respect for the other community, but this inevitably runs the risk of denying the right, or possibility, of criticisms of the practices of those with whom one is having the dialogue. Not only those who, on universal human rights grounds, object to elements in Islamic traditions and current rhetoric, but also those who challenge conservative readings from within, can more easily be classed as Islamophobes. 29 Thus, Islamophobia is employed in such a politically correct fashion such as to silence criticisms, on one hand, and to maintain good neighbourhood relations, on another. The former stance is framed, in right-leaning perspective, as militant, jihadist, terrorist, uncivil, anti-modern and anti-Western. 30 The latter is framed, in Islamist perspective, as accommodating, assimilative and hegemonic. In between is media, an arena for meaning-making and shifting perceptions. Alternatively, Islamophobia can be employed not as a politically correct euphemism in order to silence internal criticisms or to maintain law and order but, rather, to militate against an other. This could take a shape of dismantling politeness courtesies essential not for a politically correct dialogue but for one based on critical questioning. Still, Islamophobia could be further employed such as a cover up for supposedly hidden hegemonic agendas. 31 One peculiar shift for Islamophobia as contested within a U.K. context is how instead of imported aliens made citizens being instigators of hate, violence, unrest, and, ultimately terror an enemy within image is constructed and maintained such as to, apparently, pass Islamophobic sentiments, if any, from one generation onto another. 32 For some now increasingly most, credit to media rivers of actual blood running London streets following London 7/7 (Ã   la 9/11 codification) attacks are reminiscent of symbolic blood as invoked by Enoch Powell in his Birmingham speech in 1968: As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see the River Tiber foaming with much blood. The tragic and intractable phenomenon [i.e. immigration] which we [emphasis added] watch with horror on the other side of the Atlantic, but which there is interwoven with the history and existence of the States itself, is coming upon us here by our own volition and our own neglect. 33 Unsurprisingly, Powells xenophobic pronouncements just as all xenophobic pronouncements -gain further inertia as an apparently self-fulfilling prophecy comes true. Admittedly, most, if not all, far-right politics tap into a well-rehearsed repertoire of phobias not least Islamophobia. Moreover, whole political careers are created and enhanced based on precautions from an other: now of colour, now of race, and now of different faith. Across Europe, ballot boxes speak volumes of Islamophobia tapped into as a final recourse against an imminent green menace within. 34,35 Islamophobia: European context Placed in a wider context, Islamophobia is not exclusive to U.K. As a matter of fact, for Europe in which U.K. is situated and to which it is historically affiliated Islamophobia is a common currency. Indeed, each European country has a distinctive narrative to tell of Islam / Muslims. Yet, for all differences, European nations especially former colonial powers share common narratives of home-grown terrorists and phobias. 36 Interestingly still is how European nation states follow a similar pattern of state controls over flow of (now particularly Muslim) immigrants as well as controls of modes of conducts of minorities within. 37 In fact, U.K.s, and for that matter Europes, current immigration laws and policies cannot be fully understood in isolation of European conception of nation-states. Historically, European nation-states evolved into democratic polities in which upholding order and rule of law required consistent policies. 38 As European countries grew increasingly into political, economic and scientific powerhouses, an increasing influx of immigrants required subtler means of control. Typically, in major European countries such as U.K. enacting multiculturalism policies meant, at least apparently in so far as actual practices are concerned, less room for truly diverse communities and more for accommodation, assimilation, and full integration of an increasing alien presence posing, allegedly, menaces to established European Enlightenment canonical values of reason and secularism. 39 Probably understandably, far-right currents in European politics manipulated political machinery inciting violence and hatred at times creating, only in voters minds, all sorts of phobias. The case for Islamophobia is one, consequently, which can be understood primarily based on power relations established and maintained in a wider power structure of Europe. This is particularly significant if one is to grasp global (i.e. Western) war on Islam, which is not. For all long-established and nourished power structures need a signifier, a marker, which, presumably , contains, defines, and tags an assumed other only to maintain law and order in an endless historical power struggle over hearts and minds. In conclusion, Islamophobia is, ultimately, a (mis)label slapped onto bottled up power relations within a marked power structure. In U.K. context, Islamophobia is used, as has been demonstrated, not to mark a shift in discursive practices towards a truly multicultural community but to maintain embedded power relations in which specific groups are assigned definite space within ethnic markers. Initially, race is used to maintain power structures but upon introduction of race acts and laws, subtler formers of control and manipulation are employed by which focus is shift from race per se to faith not as a creed but as another boundary of control. Within (i.e. in BrMuslims community), Islamophobia is employed by Islamic leaders such as to appropriate an exclusive definition of Muslims and Islam, on one hand, and in order to silence internal power struggle over meaning-making of Islam and, probably, anything else. Finally, in a broader context, Islamophobia is employed as a means of control and manipulation of Muslim communities within, multiculturalism policies aside. Notes 1. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain. London: Hurst, 2006. 2. Taher Abbas, ed. Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure. London: Zed, 2005. 3. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism: Inequalities, opportunities, and politics. London: SAGE, 1999. 4. Afifa Hussain and William Miller. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. 5. Ibid. 6. Stephan May, Tariq Modood, and Judith Squires, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 7. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, Racism and antiracism 8. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 19-36 9. Ibid. 10. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism 11. Ibid. 12. Quoted in Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism, 12. 13. Ernest Cashmore and Barry Troyna. Introduction to race relations. Basingstoke: The Falmer Press, 1990. 14. Ibid. 15. Robert Miles. Racism after race relations. London: Rutledge, 1993. 16. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain 17. Ibid. 18. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington. 19. Ibid. 20. Stephan May, Tariq Modood, and Judith Squires, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. 21. Afifa Hussain and William Miller. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. 22. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain, 183. 23. John E. Richardson. (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004. 24. Christopher Allen, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK, BOÉCE, no. 6 (2003): 51-69. 25. Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalisation. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002. 26. Quoted in Abdul Gafoor Abdul Majeed Noorani. Islam Jihad: prejudice versus reality (Bangladesh: The University Press, 2002), 41. 27. Christopher Allen, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK. 28. Quoted in Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalization, 24. 29. Ibid. 30. Robert Spencer. The politically incorrect guide to Islam (and the Crusades). Washington, DC: Regnery, 2005. 31. Ibid. 32. Roger Ballard and Marcus Banks, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain. London: Hurst, 1994. 33. Quoted in Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism, 18. 34. Raphael Israeli. The Islamic challenge in Europe. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2008. 35. Roger Ballard and Marcus Banks, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain 36. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 37. Ibid. 38. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain 9. Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalization. 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